Whether we like it or not, we
have to acknowledge that
Lebanon’s fate is intimately tied to geopolitical events in the
Middle East.
For many years, Lebanese thinkers and various supporters of
Lebanon have pleaded, privately and publicly, with Lebanese leaders and
politicians to talk to each other and reach reasonable agreements in order to
shelter Lebanon
from the dangerous risks that have continuously threatened the region. To date,
nobody appears to have the ability to find a pathway that may result in true
Lebanese unity, sovereignty and stability, during these difficult times. Very
few leaders may nevertheless be watching for the right moment to take the risks
that may have a reasonable chance to make such noble goals attainable.
For the moment, hope and expectations are put on
the backburner while awaiting the results of the parliamentary elections
scheduled early in June of this year. While the “1960 electoral law” is slightly
better than the “2000 Law”, the difference may not be significant enough to
produce a truly representative new parliament. Most predictions seem to preview
very close balance between the March 14 and March 8 groups, with any majority
for one side or the other being very thin. Further, despite a sincere effort on
behalf of the authorities in charge, to secure a free and fair election, the
results will nevertheless be tainted by the effects of the
Doha agreements on some districts’ demarcation and the formation of
candidates’ lists. There is also concern about the residual problems of
feudalism, confessionalism and the corrupting effects of money. We hear credible
rumors about money flowing into
Lebanon from Saudi Arabia
in favor of one side and from
Iran
to support the other. Plane tickets are apparently being offered to expatriate
voters in districts where the polls suggest tight races. Further, four years
after the Syrian forces left
Lebanon and after Syrian recognition of
Lebanon
was formalized by the establishment of diplomatic relations, we still hear of
pro-Syrian and anti-Syrian candidates. In fact all that is needed is pro-Lebanon
candidates who seek excellent relations with the world community starting with
the Arab brothers and most importantly, with
Syria.
There may be elements in
Lebanon
who would wish the Syrian military presence will return because they benefited
in the past from such presence. However, the geopolitical atmosphere that
invited Syria
into Lebanon
has changed dramatically. The United Nations and all major players on the world
scene have clearly stated their support for Lebanese independence and
sovereignty and the Syrian administration have repeatedly stated their lack of
any desire or willingness to return their forces to
Lebanon.
While it may no longer be possible to change or
improve the electoral law at this stage, and we may have to live with the
candidate lists formed by imperfect techniques, it may still be possible to
improve the electoral atmosphere. Assuming, hoping and wishing that calm and
moderation will prevail throughout the electoral process, the new parliament and
the government that will emerge will have to react and adapt to a geopolitical
atmosphere that is becoming more complicated, more difficult and more dangerous.
There is talk in international circles about the emergence of a new hard line
anti-western front consisting of
Iran,
Sudan
and Erithrea confronting a moderate pro Western Arab group consisting of
Saudi Arabia,
Egypt
and Jordan.
Somehow the newer analysis seems to be leaving
Syria
alone, despite of its alliance and friendship with
Iran.
The Iranian nuclear issue remains unresolved and may heat up due to the policies
of the new Netanyahu government. The judgment against the Sudanese President
presents an implementation challenge and does not solve the
Darfur
problem. The expanding war in
Afghanistan
and the instability in nuclear armed
Pakistan
present additional risks.
On the other hand we are hearing about a new
American Embassy in
Syria
for which the search for the land and the construction plans may already be in
progress. The course that President Bashar Al Assad has followed since he
succeeded his father and his policy statements make such news no surprise. While
Syria
may remain loyal to its friendship and alliance with
Iran,
there is no reason why it could not display leadership in seeking and mediating
accommodations, which may benefit all parties in the Middle East and make
Syria’s
stated policy of seeking a complete and fair peace between Arabs and Israelis
more likely to succeed. The accession of the Obama administration to power in
the US
with its stated openness to dialogue, and the arrival of the new hard line
Netanyahu government in
Israel,
necessitate bold new moves to avoid the abyss and give peace a chance. Nobody is
in a better position than
Syria
to lead in formulating the necessary bold policy adjustments. Therefore what is
the benefit for
Lebanon that
politicians may characterize themselves or their opponents as pro-Syrian or
anti-Syrian? It is sufficient and best to be pro-Lebanese and friends or
brothers of Syria
and allow
Lebanon to
partner in the anticipated new bold initiatives, rather than become a chip at
the table of negotiations.
It would be naïve to forget the issue of the
International Tribunal and its effects on the minds of Lebanese politicians
depending on their convictions. Anti- Syrian politicians reached the conclusion,
since February 2005, that
Syria
at its highest level of government was responsible for Prime Minister Hariri’s
assassination. Yet after four years, we still do not know how much progress has
been made towards the elucidation of the truth. While there may be consensus
that the Lebanese security services and Syria which had major responsibility and
control of security in Lebanon, can not be absolved from at least the indirect
responsibility of failing to protect Prime Minister Hariri, accusations that the
Syrian regime planned and executed the terroristic bombing will need convincing
proofs which have not surfaced so far. Further, if the Tribunal finds some
Syrian elements responsible of collusion or participation in the heinous crime,
many strongly believe that the Assad regime will subject the perpetrators to
whatever severe punishment justice necessitates.
It would be therefore wise on the part of all
Lebanese politicians to allow justice to take its course. They should also focus
their campaigns on addressing the issues that preoccupy the vast majority of the
Lebanese people and will affect
Lebanon’s future stability and prosperity, no matter what happens in the
Middle East:
1. The defense strategy which will allow
consolidation of the power of the State without offending or provoking the
resistance that was credited for liberating the south.
2. Economic policy that promotes stability and
encourages Arab and foreign investments, without offending or disappointing the
Arab and Western States that have bailed Lebanon again and again with their
grants and bank deposits.
3. Moderate initiatives that will reassure both
prevailing political ideologies, making the obstructing or securing one third in
government for either group, unnecessary
4. Reassuring the various confessional groups with
policies that will serve as an effective antidote to fanaticism and extremism.
5. Offering and promoting policies that would
promptly return
Lebanon
to its ideal role as a heaven for the dialogue of civilizations and a
Mecca
for conflict resolution.
6. Presenting real reform ideas that could clean
up the Lebanese political system, starting with separation of ministerial
appointments from parliamentary positions.
7. Commitment to formulating a new electoral law
based on the smaller district (preferably single district) or the relativity
principle.
8. Specific development issues applicable to given
districts, such as water dams, alternative energy projects, solutions for
current electricity problems, touristic projects, etc.
9. Proposing ideas about responding to expatriate
demands, starting with the specific plan that would allow those with current
Lebanese citizenship to vote in their respective embassies.
10. Stating that the post
Doha formation of the current government was a one time emergency process. In
future governments there should be a return to the Arab initiative that
allocated ten ministers to the President in the case of National Unity
governments. The opposing political groups can divide the remaining twenty
according to the electoral results.
Although the
expectation from the election is limited at best, given the regressive electoral
law, there is no reason why the electoral campaign can not be progressive.
Nevertheless, it is sincerely hoped that the campaign would not evolve around
being for or against a given Arab or foreign country. Such can only entrench the
belief that external money is flowing in to influence the results. We also hope
we will stop hearing about pro and anti-Syrian coalitions and the focus will be
on being pro-Lebanese and seeking solutions for some or most of the problems
confronting the Lebanese people and their leaders.