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Lebanon and the balance between sovereignty and stability
Lebanonwire.com 6/8/10
During the past two years, since the election of General Michel Sleiman to the
Presidency in May of 2008, the Lebanese pendulum has been constantly swinging
between hope, harmony and stability on one hand and disappointment, anxiety and
despair on the other. Lebanese and friends of Lebanon who follow the news and
read opinions of analysts and commentators had their attention caught by a
number of headlines such as: “The Lebanese are the winners," “Beirut is
back...and it's beautiful" "Lebanon: Mid East's most improved democracy" and
"Lebanese pursue tolerance and unity"... In the same period disappointing titles
also appeared: "Lebanon: A house divided", "Lebanon: The land of lost hope",
"Lebanon: Back to square one", "Lebanon held in boxing ring", "Lack of progress
on Mid East peace affects Lebanon's stability." These optimistic and pessimistic
views were interspersed and alternating and were not part of an improving or
deteriorating pattern. While the election of a consensus president and the
formation of a “so called national unity government” were important positive
steps that triggered genuine relief, most of the country's potential problems
have stagnated and remained largely unsolved. Two important questions: one
raised in a May 2008 headline: "Lebanon: Reconciliation or Truce?" and the other
in August 2008 "Do the Lebanese deserve Lebanon?" remain largely unanswered to
date, and remain as legitimate questions today as at the time they were
published. While the Lebanese freedom, liberalism and diversity
characteristics that had Pope John Paul II refer to Lebanon as a "message" and
not just a country, the constant tensions and instability in the Middle East
have hindered progress in crucial areas of the national identity. Since the
formation of the Arab League, Lebanon's mission was supposed to be a "commitment
to Arab causes and interests on the world scene and neutrality with regard to
inter-Arab confrontations and feuds. Unfortunately, multiple factors, internal
and external dragged Lebanon into taking sides when Arab divisions occurred.
Instead of being mediator or conciliator, Lebanon became battle ground for all
kinds of competing or exploding interests or clashes between local Middle
Eastern neighbors and/or distant worldwide powers. The Lebanese have demonstrated impressive successes as
individuals, in all fields of life whether in or outside their country. However
they have unfortunately had incredible failures in moving Lebanon towards
stability and real national identity. There are many reasons, difficulties and
circumstances that contributed to such failures. Nevertheless many outside
observers have placed most of the blame on the hypocrisy and double talk of many
Lebanese politicians, who felt comfortable criticizing various other Arab
leaders for such practices, while they were themselves guilty of worse behavior.
That resulted in very costly damages to both Lebanon’s sovereignty and
stability. After the assassination of Prime Minister Rafic Hariri, the
cedar revolution and the Lebanese dream of a new independence, politicians for a
multiplicity of reasons failed to reach new sincere understandings that could
have genuinely consolidated national unity. For a long time thereafter we kept
hearing of anti-Syrian March 14 and pro-Syrian March 8 groups, with leaders and
politicians jumping from one camp to another for reasons frequently related to
narrow personalized interests and concerns and not necessarily related to pro or
anti Western philosophy or alliance or to friendship or animosity with the
Syrian-Iranian axis. While there is still talk of March 14 and March 8 political
groups, there is hardly anybody who wants to be anti-Syrian, particularly that
Syria's rapport with the US has somewhat improved after the Obama administration
made some revisions to the American foreign policy in the Middle East. On the
other hand, all the Lebanese regardless whether independent or belonging within
the March 14 or 8 groups look at Israel as the official enemy. President Obama,
somewhat inspired by his family background, has tried to improve fairness
towards the Palestinians. However in the process he snubbed Prime Minister
Netanyahu and may have lost the trust of the Israelis and the Jewish lobby in
the United States. Thus the prospects for peace appear diminished at this time,
but developments on the US political scene, between now and the end of 2010 may
open a new unique window for peace in the Middle East. Such possibility may be
significantly enhanced by some results in the November elections that appear now
to be very likely. Those of us in the expatriate community who are planning to
visit or spend summer in Lebanon know how difficult it is to make reservations
for travel and/or hotel reservations. The tourist industry is expecting a
fabulous summer season which should really help boost the Lebanese economy and
prospective 2010 GDP. Nevertheless there are three subjects of anxiety that are
constantly lurking at the horizon. The first may come due in one to two months and relates to the
UN Security Council plans to impose tougher sanctions on Iran. There are still
important political differences on this issue inside and outside Lebanon.
However, Lebanon's temporary membership in the UNSC puts the country on the spot
and a decision has to be made and implemented when the time comes to vote on
this matter. It is generally hoped that Lebanon's likely abstention will be
understood and accepted by all sides. However what if either side insists in
demanding full support from Lebanon to their position? This could be very
destabilizing and if it occurs under severe external pressure, where would
sovereignty be. There is no easy answer, but let us be optimistic that reason
and understanding will prevail and abstention works out and this deadline will
pass uneventfully. The second subject of anxiety is the final list of indictments
by the Special International Tribunal investigating the Hariri assassination.
This is now projected to be announced towards the end of 2010. A prominent
Lebanese politician who was one of the loudest advocates for the Tribunal was
recently quoted as saying "We absolutely still want the truth but should not
necessarily expect justice." This prompted many to wonder what he may know that
the rest of us are unaware of. Everybody knows that originally too many fingers
were pointing at Syria without tangible evidence. Now media reports are trying
to implicate Hezbollah without presenting the evidence on which the accusations
are based. What if the Tribunal comes up with indictments not supported by
“convincing evidence”? Could this trigger Sunni-Shia confrontation or a full
fledged civil war? We can only hope that whatever indictments the Tribunal
produces will be based on absolutely unquestionable evidence and that the
Lebanese politicians will be fully prepared to handle and limit any consequences
that may result from any Tribunal announcement. The third and most dangerous subject of anxiety is the
possibility of another devastating Israeli war. All indications for now are that
a new war this summer serves nobodies' interests. Hezbollah people are Lebanese
and constitute an important component of the current government. They know that
Lebanon needs a successful tourist season this summer and nobody should do
anything to jeopardize the interests of all Lebanese, whether in Beirut, the
North or the South. On the other hand, the Israelis know that it will be
disastrous for them to attack Iran or Hezbollah without US approval or support.
To the best of our knowledge, there is no such approval yet and most of us who
may have friends in the US Administration will do all possible to encourage and
support a diplomatic solution for the Iranian nuclear problem. An Israeli attack
on Iran may trigger Armageddon and Lebanon could become the biggest victim.
Intelligent and realistic people know very well that in most wars there are no
real winners. There are usually losers and bigger losers. In the 2006 war
Hezbollah won a huge moral victory, being the first Arab force to block the
Israeli army from advancing and to inflict significant damages to its personnel
and equipment. Yet the price that Lebanon had to pay is well known to everybody.
Nevertheless the anxiety and concern about a possible new Israeli war is
justified because under the Netanyalui leadership nobody can be sure there would
not be a "Samsonian complex" that could instigate a disastrous and potentially
suicidal anti-Iran, anti-Syria and anti-Hezbollah war. Can Lebanon do anything to protect itself from the
consequences of decisions and events outside its control? Lebanon’s leaders
should direct their efforts towards two important goals: First: They should work harder towards “true unity” based on
sincere discussions of the divergent opinions and philosophies and work towards
concessions by all, to reach a genuine consensus that minimizes the risks for
all the Lebanese people. Second: They should also work harder to reach
sincere friendship and brotherhood with Syria. This should not mean to try to be
subservient to Syria, a stance the Assad regime has officially rejected and
criticized on various occasions. More importantly it should not mean looking for
special deals with some corrupt Syrian individuals. We all know that corruption
existed in Lebanon since the days of the Ottoman Empire way before the Syrian
army entered in the mid seventies. We also know that corrupt people exist to
various degrees in Syria, in the United States and in all countries of the
world. An idealized quality relation between Syria and Lebanon as sometimes
mentioned by President Bashar Assad is a win-win deal for both countries and
could turn out to be the best pathway to the strategic choice Syria made in
favor of a total and just peace in the Middle East. A sincere understanding with
Syria should not be difficult at all after Prime Minister Saad Hariri visited
Damascus and had heart to heart talks with President Assad. It can facilitate
and boost Lebanon’s stability and national unity without impinging on
sovereignty. It presents no risk to Lebanon, since President Assad has always
declared his love and support and has offered more official recognition of
Lebanon’s independence than any previous regime. He has gone all the way to the
point of official diplomatic representation with exchange of Ambassadors.
Further, it should be remembered that the concept of sovereignty has evolved
immensely in the currently globalized world. Can Mexico exercise its sovereignty
ignoring US interests? What happened to small countries such as Panama when
President Noriega thought his sovereignty had no limits? How about the Prime
Minister of Grenada, when he thought he could welcome elements that presented
risks to US security? In a sincere understanding with Lebanon (supported
willingly by all Lebanese) Syria can also benefit significantly from the support
of many in the Lebanese expatriate community, who can best explain why Syria can
not and should not split from its alliance with Iran. They can also remind US
leaders that Syria is the most secular of all states in the Middle East with
impeccable Arab credentials and that it can be a powerful ally in an effective
fight against radical terrorism. Such efforts can further smooth the pathway to
further normalization with the Obama administration and can improve Syria’s
chances to recuperate its rights in the Golan and may be other areas Many in the expatriate community continue to hope that the
consensus President of Lebanon whose tract record demonstrated cautiousness and
moderation, may still be the best suited leader to address the challenges of
true Lebanese unity and sincere friendship and brotherhood with Syria. Success
in meeting these challenges could help him make important progress in meeting
his responsibility to secure Lebanon’s stability, while protecting the country’s
sovereignty.
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